National Public Education
9Sep/170

“Endangering Prosperity” by Eric Hanushek

Eric Hanushek et al. have written an excellent book on the economic implications of our weak public education system.  The authors put to rest many of the popular misconceptions about the schools.

First, just to review what everyone knows, on an international test of student achievement, such as the PISA exams (Program for International Student Assessment), the US ranks 32nd out of the 68 countries tested in math in 2011, in other words, just about at the bottom of the list of developed European and Asian countries.  The results are only slightly better for English skills.  All this is well known.

What is not so well known is that this poor showing is not caused by our diverse population.  All our students do poorly, rich and poor.  Among white students whose parents are college educated, less than half are at a proficient level in math, putting them below all the students, minorities included, in 16 other countries.  Our best students are nowhere near as good as the best students in many other counties.  Among white students in the US, only 9% performed at an advanced level, putting us, again, at the bottom of the developed world.  The problems of our educational system are not limited to our poor and minority communities.

As Hanushek points out, the US is not the only diverse country.  Canada, for example, has a similar level of diversity, but does much better than us educationally.  They also are a big country spread over a wide area, yet still seem to find a way to educate everyone.  It is not just the small homogenous countries that do well.

What Hanushek is worried about is that there is no doubt that these educational problems will affect our economy.  There can be no argument that educational level does not have an effect on economic growth.  The chart is right there on page 24 of this book.  All the countries with high test scores also have high rates of economic growth from 1960 to 2009.  And those with low test scores have low rates of growth.  The US is, again, about in the middle, below most of the wealthy countries in the world.

The authors also show that it is not simply the amount of money spent on education, or even the number of years of schooling offered, that makes a difference.  Strangely enough, it is how much the students actually learn that matters.  This is what is correlated with economic growth.

All this bodes ill for the future of US prosperity.  We are in trouble.  As Hanushek points out, many of our economic gains over the past two centuries have been linked to non-educational factors, such as our natural resources and our traditional support for new and innovative businesses.  And we also had an educational system that included a higher percentage of our population than any other country.  But none of this is still true today.  The rest of the world has caught up with us, and they have done so by educating their children to a higher level.  That is what we need to do if we want to continue to grow.

All this needs to be read by a wider audience.  The data in a book like this, written by professional economists, ought to be read by every state legislator and every member of the state departments of education, not to mention the federal Secretary of Education.  They are the ones in charge of our schools; it is up to them to find a way to improve them.  If they cannot do this, they need to be replaced by someone who can.

The only problem I have with this book is that Hanushek then blames teachers and particularly the teachers’ unions for these problems, saying that teachers have uniformly opposed innovations in public education, such as vouchers and charter schools.

This may be true, but they oppose them for good reason.  Is there any evidence that these quasi-private schemes will ever improve the public school system?  Can we really make a public program better by making it more private?   Does that make sense?  Regardless of how well each one does, these schemes cannot solve the overall problem, since they have no way to address the entire public program.  They only work because they are separate from the rest of the program.  That is not a viable solution.

Still, I am thankful that Mr. Hanushek has written such a good book on the realities of the link between public education and economic prosperity.

Peter Dodington

September 9, 2017

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

5Aug/170

The NAACP and Charter Schools

Some time ago the NAACP called for, with good reason, a moratorium on the creation of new charter schools so that, as they said, we might examine these programs more closely in three areas: 1. the governance of these schools, 2. their relationship to the public schools, and 3. their effect on the public schools.  Let's look more closely at each area.

1. The governance of charter schools.  Who, exactly, is in charge of these schools?  The answer out there on the street is "no one," it's just the parents who send their kids there. "That's the whole point; they are run by the people who use them."  But is that possible? Do the parents hire the staff, fire the staff, choose the books?  Aren't there administrators and bureaucrats who actually organize these things?  Who are these people, and who are their bosses?

And is there any way to affect them?  The traditional schools may be bureaucratic, but there is a way to vote the leaders out of office.  There is nothing like an elected school board in charge of a charter school.  So what happens if there are problems?  It would seem that by doing away with public school bureaucracy the charters have also done away with the democratic process, replacing a cumbersome but transparent administrative structure with a sleek but secretive one.

Given that there is no obvious way to change the policies of a charter school through any kind of democratic process, wouldn't it be wise to get a clear picture of the rationale behind those policies?   Who benefits from these schools?  Are they just a gift to the parents?  That doesn't seem likely.  Aren't there some people in charge who are also benefitting?  Who are these people, and how are they benefitting from these programs? It's our public money; where is it going?

2. The relationship to the public schools.  These schools are still funded by the public school system, even though they are administratively separate from them.  Doesn't that funding imply a relationship?  Can a charter school, then, change its funding?  Will it be able to fund new programs with new funds if that seems best?  And will it ever be able to increase the funding for programs that are doing well?  If not, what will be the incentive to do well?  If yes, how does that match up with the separation from the public schools?

How, then, does the public school system decide on that funding?  Is it according to the overall per pupil cost, or just the per pupil cost for each taxpayer?  There are many more taxpayers than pupils, so the latter will always be much less.  It may actually cost about $20,000 to educate a child these days, but each taxpayer might only pay about $10,000, since they get to divide that cost up between all the taxpayers.  If the state only funds the charter school according to the second amount, won't they be profiting on each child that attends a charter school?  Is that why they are so much in favor of such programs? The state no longer has to pay out that $20K for the child, but then only gives $10K to the charter school and pockets the rest.

But how are the charter schools supposed to educate a child on $10K?  Can they build a new science lab?  Create a football program?  Sponsor trips to Europe?  Won't they always be relying on the public school structure for such things?  But what will happen when the charters start replacing the public school structure, as they seem intent on doing?  Who then will build the science labs?

3. The effect on the public schools.  People argue that charter schools are better than the public schools they replace.  They are a good deal for the parents.  They are almost like a private school education but at a public school price. What a deal!

What the NAACP has realized, though, is that even if there is nothing wrong with this logic, it is starting from the wrong place.  It's looking at the issue of charter schools merely from the perspective of a consumer of this education, not that of the creators of a sound public educational policy.  There may be no conclusive argument against the idea that charters are good schools; the question is, though, are they good school policy?  Are they a way to improve the education of the entire population?  This is the "effect on the public schools" that one has to analyze.

The public schools do educate the entire population (or 90% of it).  If we are really going to replace them with these charter schools, we have to ask whether this new program will also educate everyone.  Is it the right way to replace a program that educates us all? I don't see how we could say this.  Charters are built on the idea of turning away from a general, collective, public approach to education.  They don't help the traditional public schools. How could they?  They are founded on the idea of separation from the public school structure; they are a rejection of the public schools, not an aid to them.  Where is a public school that has benefitted from a nearby charter school?  They don't exist.

So my hat is off to the NAACP.  They have seen that this is a public policy issue, not simply a matter of whether some parents will get a good deal on their child's education. We live in a democracy.  We get to create the public policies that run our public programs like public education, health, and the military.  This is the task we have to focus on.

Peter Dodington

August 5, 2017

8Jul/170

Our Need for Public Education

Some time ago, my brother sent me an article from the Wall Street Journal ridiculing the excessive, the author felt, interest in the DeVos nomination to be head of the Department of Education.  Here she is, he said, in charge of one of the smallest cabinet posts, with a budget that amounts to just 3% of federal spending, and yet she is on the front page of every liberal newspaper and website in the country, and is the subject of a massive campaign to block her nomination.  Why is that?

Her position is not even that important to public education in general, since federal programs make up only about 10% of the total amount spent on the schools.  There are probably some individual states that have just about as large an educational budget.  But who knows the name of their state superintendent of public instruction?  Why is there such a fuss about this relatively unimportant federal position?

I may differ with the tone of this article, but it does have some truth to it.  There is no doubt that the general public does care more about public education than would seem reasonable.  The DeVos story is just one aspect of this.  Hardly a day goes by without some story about the schools making headlines.

This isn’t just because the schools deal with children.  You don’t see a similar level of interest in other programs for children, such as youth leagues or well-child programs.  America, in fact, is well behind most other countries in providing social programs for children.

Nor is this interest in the schools related to education in general.  If that were the case, wouldn’t there also be an interest in the private schools?  But where is this?  Do you ever see an article about a private school in the paper?  Fully 10% of our children attend these schools, but there seems to be little overall interest in them.

Rather the public is fixated on the public education aspects of these issues.  And this explains why they are so fascinated by Ms DeVos.  She is as close as we can come to having a leader of this program.  True, she is only in charge of 10% of the overall program, but who is in charge of more?  The state superintendents?  Each of them is only in charge of his or her own state, one of 50 different autonomous entities.  They have absolutely no influence on the other 49, by law.  At least there is some possibility that Ms DeVos might influence several states, not just one.  She is the best we can do in terms of the leadership of our public school system.

Putting aside for now the obvious question of why we don't have a leader for our public school system, let’s look at a more basic question:  Why do we care so much about this issue in general?  What is it about public education, in contrast to other kinds of education, and other programs for children, that makes us worry about it so?  Why do we all seem to want a better public school system?  Does it satisfy some basic need in us?

Thinking about this issue, I was reminded of a quote by Benjamin Rush, the famous Philadelphia physician and signer of the Declaration of Independence:

"Our schools of learning, by producing one general and uniform system of education, will render the mass of the people more homogenous and thereby fit them more easily for uniform and peaceable government"  (A Plan for the Establishment of Public Schools and Thoughts upon the Mode of Education Proper in a Republic (1786) p. 14).

As many have pointed out, Americans came here to accomplish their own personal goals.  They have a built-in mistrust of government programs that will tell them what to do.  They want to be free to develop their own ideas, their own way of doing things.  As Rush notes, though, they then need some help in finding ways to join together in collective activities. They don't do this naturally.  They need to find out how they agree on things; how they are similar.  Public education can do this.  It has been a way, from the start, of smoothing out all those differences that the immigrants brought with them.  It has helped make them "amenable to peaceable government."  Perhaps that is why we worry about it so much.  We can see, to some extent, that we Americans need it.

This would also help to explain why we are somewhat irrational in the intensity of our interest in public education.  We know it’s a problem for us, something we haven’t yet solved, and so are concerned with that problem; it bothers us.  But we’re not even sure there is a solution.  We like that independent and individualistic way of doing things.  Perhaps we will never find a way to join together as one homogenous country.

All the more reason, then, to worry so about it, even in a somewhat irrational way.  That, at least, is one way to deal with it.  It gives us something to do.  Maybe if we think about it long enough some solution will turn up.  That is one way to look at it.

But, of course, it is not the best way.  A better way would be to try to think through what the problem really is and then take steps to solve it.  We might start with that question of who ought to be in charge.

What this all implies, it seems to me, is that it is crucial that we solve our public school problems.  The whole issue is an integral part of our American heritage.  It’s not just a problem for the children or the parents or the teachers; it affects us all.  We really do need working public schools.

Peter Dodington

July 8, 2017

 

 

1Jul/170

North Carolina’s School “Choice” Plan

I see that North Carolina’s state legislature has just approved a school “choice” scheme that will refund $9,000 to the parents of children with disabilities, foster children, recently adopted, or children of military personnel.  These families can then use the funds to purchase other private ways to educate their child.

No doubt many will see this as an excellent idea.  Here is the state helping those who need help the most; those with disabilities and special needs, and those, such as foster and adopted children, who often need various kinds of special services.  How magnanimous, how caring.  But as we have discussed in last-week’s blog, these plans are anything but beneficial for either the families involved or the general public.  They are simply a way for the state to save money.

The problem is not just the lack of oversight.  Most of the criticism for these plans has focused on how parents spend the money they receive.  Interesting stories are told about people buying school books and then turning these back in to the stores for credit on a new TV.  People wonder why the state isn’t watching over these purchases more carefully.

But how could we expect anything different?  The main difference between a public and a private system is surely one of “oversight.” We set up this public program in the first place because we wanted a way to monitor how people educated their children.  The whole point was that, left to their own devices, private families often tend to consult their own needs, not the needs of society in general.  So we have created a public program that would “oversee” how this was done, and so benefit the entire society.

Now, though, we want to do away with that public program, and go back to a private way of education.  But that also has to do away with the oversight.  You can’t have both “free choice” and “oversight;” there is no such thing as a private program regulated by the state.  If we want oversight we need to keep the public program.

The more serious problem is that this program will not actually help the families who use it.  To see this, you just have to do the math.

What is the cost of the education and treatment of a disabled child?  I don’t mean how much a family usually spends, but the actual cost.  Let’s just start with the educational cost.  What is the cost of tuition, for example, at a private school that specializes in students with disabilities?  A bit more than $9,000, or even the $20,000 mentioned in other programs, wouldn't you say?  Isn't this a good indication of the actual cost of such a program?

And then what about the medical costs that public schools provide, through their own services?  Who will pay for these once the child is no longer enrolled in the public school system?  Just how much is that public school nurse worth, somebody who is fully licensed, experienced, and knows the child? Are the parents of these children who "opt out" really going to be able to afford anything like a similar level of care for their children?

In reality, most parents know that they benefit from public schools programs.  Everyone likes to complain about government bureaucracy, except the parents of children who actually need those services.  They may be quite willing to sit in some dingy office all day so they can walk out with payments worth a small fortune.  No one says they want to be “told” what to do for their child, except when this means that an expensive treatment will be paid for.  Then it all seems to make sense.

When the Kappan magazine does their annual poll of attitudes on the schools, they always find that almost everyone thinks their local school is doing well (but that schools in general are not).  That includes, then, the parents at urban schools, and the like, that supposedly are such “failures.”  These people are in those polls, too, and so must also be mostly in favor of their schools.  That makes sense to me.  These parents can see that the schools are trying to help them, in contrast to almost everyone else, regardless of what kind of “data” is reported about their outcomes.  They are not going to be easily lured away from the public schools.

But, you might say, it’s a fair trade; they are getting the cost of that child’s education and so ought to be able to provide a similar education themselves.  But it is nowhere near the true cost.  It’s the parents’ share of what the entire population paid for the schooling of all the children, which is considerably less than the cost for that particular child.  There are many more taxpayers than children.  The schools give back only the per-taxpayer cost, not the per-child cost.  The individual cost of educating and treating that child, especially a disabled child, is a lot more than $9,000.

(This is why private schools seem to cost so much.  That's the true cost of educating a child.  It costs the state that much, too, but they are able to spread it over many taxpayers, so the cost per taxpayer is considerably less.  They only publicize the tax-payer cost, though, not the actual cost per child.)

This cost difference, of course, is why the state legislature wants the "choice" program.  It saves them money.  And, this is why the focus is on those children with disabilities and other conditions, such as adoption and foster care, which tend to involve children with more than the average number of problems, all of which cost something to fix.  Taking these children off the rolls saves the most.

Am I being too cynical?  Perhaps.  State legislatures do have their own problems, and, no doubt, some good reasons for trying to save a buck now and then.  It’s just that parents need to remember that most such schemes do not work in their favor.

 

Peter Dodington

July 1, 2017

 

 

 

 

24Jun/170

Hey, Parents, It’s My Money, Too

 

There is a fundamental problem with what are called “Educational Savings Accounts,” the plan to give parents back the money they have spent on their child’s public school education (in taxes) so they can spend this on other “choices”, such as a private school.  Aside from the fact that such a scheme weakens the public schools by taking money away from them, the plan just doesn’t make sense.  The math doesn’t work.

If the schools were private, it would make sense to pay back the parents of a child who “opts out.”  They paid that money into the school, and now should get it back if they take the child out.  But the schools are not private, they are public.  The cost of that child’s education was borne by the entire community, not just the parents.  If you are going to give back the money spent on that child, shouldn’t you also give some back to the general taxpayer, who also shared in that cost?  The money came into the program from all the taxpayers, not just the parents, so why is it going back only to the parents?

I realize that this way of looking at it seems odd to us, but that is only because we are so used to thinking of the public schools as if they were private.  We assume that the true “clients” of the system are the parents of the children in the schools, so their concerns should guide policy.  In reality, though, the system is paid for primarily by the non-parent general public (who outnumber parents by about four to one).  They are the true “clients” of the system, since it is their taxes which actually pay for the schools.

So it doesn't make sense to give back the cost of the child's education to only the parents. This says nothing about the value of parents or the need to support them as much as possible.  It's just simple logic.  As my father used to say, "put the numbers into the equation."  We need to remember that we have a public school system, not a private one.

Why do non-parent taxpayers, after all, pay for most of the support for the schools?  Isn’t it so that the children involved will grow up and become good citizens and benefit us all?  Don’t they lose something, then, when these children “opt out”?  Each time a child leaves the school system that goal becomes that much harder to realize.  The general, non-parent public do not benefit from these opt-out schemes.

Who does benefit is the state school system.  They save money every time a child leaves.  They do give back an amount equal to the average cost each taxpayer pays for that child’s education, but this is considerably less than the amount they save by not educating that child.  It is not hard to see how this works.

There are more taxpayers than students, so the per-taxpayer cost for the entire program is considerably less than the per-student cost.  The state doesn’t give back to the parents the full cost of the child’s education (as they would if the schools were private), but only the parents’ portion of that cost, which has been shared with all the rest of the population.  They give back the per-taxpayer cost, not the per-child cost.  This is logical, since you don’t want the parents getting back more than they paid in, but it also means that the state is coming out ahead each time they let a student leave.

Where, then, does that money come from that the state is “making” on each opt-out?  From the general taxpayer’s pocket.  They’re the ones who are still paying the same tax each year but are now getting fewer and fewer educated students.  The money that they paid into the school system in order to educate a certain number of students is now being used to educate a lower number.  The difference is then just expropriated by the state.  This is why the state legislatures agree to such schemes; they benefit from them. Who doesn't benefit, though, are the rest of us, the general taxpayers.

I am a parent; I have nothing against this group of people.  I would just like to see some logic to how we run our school system.  It is not funded just by parents; it is funded by the general population.  If we don’t pay attention to that fact we will not have any public school system for long.

Peter Dodington

June 24, 2017